Even as a major earthquake struck Myanmar last week, killing thousands of people, and as powerful aftershocks shook huge swathes of the country, the Burmese junta air force was flying over Sagaing, the epicenter of the disaster, dropping bombs on quake victims in non-junta areas.
Defenseless civilians, dying, traumatized, some trapped under rubble, were hit from the skies with indiscriminate and disproportionate weapons, in violation of international law. And with his fighter jets and drones still circling northern and central Myanmar, the Burmese dictator, Min Aung Hlaing, appeared on TV, appealing for international aid. Meanwhile, he refuses to agree to a ceasefire and his forces have reportedly attacked a Chinese aid convoy.
These actions represent an affront to the humanity of all of us: a general who ousted a democratic government in 2021, whose forces have gunned down thousands of civilians in four years of state-sponsored violence that has displaced 3.5 million people, whose administration has driven a third of the country into abject aid-dependency, positioning himself as a humanitarian savior, leading the rescue and recovery operation with the support of international donors.
This farce must be opposed immediately. This is how it might be done:
The British government should act robustly as the influential “penholder” in the United Nations Security Council with the power to raise Myanmar in an emergency session. The United Kingdom mission in New York City has a proven track record in advocating for Burmese civilians. In 2022, it midwifed the only Security Council resolution on Myanmar in the history of the UN. The UK Foreign Commonwealth and Development Office must again marshal its considerable diplomatic skills to persuade Council members that attacking victims in the aftermath of an earthquake is a red line that must never be crossed.
The Council must agree to a resolution imposing an extended humanitarian pause in the fighting, explicitly banning attacks by jets, helicopters, motored paragliders and drones. This should be an informal, but binding resolution and not a formal ceasefire, which would only legitimize a junta widely rejected by the Burmese people as illegitimate.
Already, the National Unity Government, which represents the ousted civilian administration, and a powerful northern alliance of armed groups have said their armed forces will begin a two-week pause in “offensive military operations, except for defensive actions” in regions affected by the earthquake.
In addition, the Security Council must demand unfettered humanitarian access, mindful of the near-total restrictions on international aid agencies imposed by the junta after Cyclone Mocha struck in 2023, devastating northwestern Rakhine State, home to the country’s Rohingya population. Aid was used as a weapon of war against victims of an ongoing genocide: shocking, yes, but part of the junta’s long track record of weaponizing humanitarian assistance.
In 2008, when Cyclone Nargis killed 140,000 people, the junta restricted and then manipulated aid to consolidate its power. Confirmed reports described generals putting their names on humanitarian shipments as part of a widespread and systematic campaign to fix an upcoming referendum on a new national constitution that gave the military massively enhanced powers. The referendum was “approved” in a fake vote.
Cross-border aid is also essential to parts of the country under non-junta control, where the generals impose tight restrictions on UN and other agencies working “in country.” Aid is now flowing from Thailand through local groups. This must be dramatically ramped up, and an emergency corridor from Bangladesh through Rakhine State to Sagaing is an urgent humanitarian imperative.
Crucial to the recovery response of the March 28 quake is mobilizing heavy rubble-clearing equipment, much of which is privately owned and now requires permission from the military to work with local rescue teams.
Moreover, the Security Council must insist that aid reaches non-junta areas in compliance with the four humanitarian principles: humanity (based on need), impartiality, neutrality and operational independence. These principles lie at the core of all humanitarian action and are rooted in international humanitarian law. They have been embraced by the UN through General Assembly resolutions. It would be inconsistent, to say the least, if Council members objected.
Indeed, the humanitarian system must use the Council’s authority as a springboard for a massive ramping up of aid efforts across Myanmar. UN agencies and international nongovernmental organizations must work, as never before, with local partners that have unprecedented reach into their communities. Bureaucratic restrictions imposed by international agencies, such as extensive monitoring and evaluation obligations, must be radically streamlined, or lifesaving assistance will be fatally delayed.
As part of international monitoring, there must be specific protection provisions for local humanitarian agencies, particularly volunteers from the democratic movement delivering assistance in non-junta areas. Myanmar has a well-developed network of community volunteers that have been strengthened amid the country’s continuing conflict. But previous emergency responses saw widespread arrests of these aid workers.
The Security Council should also insist that forced conscription, which has become an appalling feature of Myanmar’s conflict, must cease immediately in all earthquake-affected areas, so that aid workers are safe.
Re-establishing Internet and phone connections in all parts of country, particularly where the junta has intentionally cut them off, is an essential element of any humanitarian effort.
Despite savage cuts in United States and other national aid budgets, world leaders, including Donald Trump, have made clear that the situation in Myanmar is so desperate that they are prepared to commit scarce funds. Those of us working in the humanitarian space in Myanmar are grateful for being given what looks like a pass. We must use it wisely.
Significantly, it is now widely accepted that the “localization of aid” — increased partnerships with community agencies — drastically reduces the cost of assistance and increases efficiencies, potentially saving billions of dollars.
Myanmar presents humanitarian parties to prove their usefulness. Our leaders can also demand demonstrable value for money on behalf of taxpayers. The aftermath of the earthquake presents a chance for new models of aid delivery to be tested and trust in overseas assistance restored.
But all this begins with Security Council action. A UN-backed humanitarian pause in the fighting is the first step.
This is an opinion essay.
We welcome your comments on this article. What are your thoughts on Myanmar's junta bombing of the quake victims?
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Chris Gunness is director of the UK-based Myanmar Accountability Project and has been reporting on Myanmar since the 1980s. Additionally, he was UNRWA’s Director of Communications from 2007 to 2020.
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I would strongly suggest the following changes in the sentence:
But all this begins with a UN General Assembly Action. A UN-backed humanitarian end in the fighting is the first step.
Myanmar is seriously devastated and needs all its daughters and sons to be rebuilt, let us end this war definitely and bring back peace to the country.